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中国第一档双语新闻访谈

 

Feng Xin: So are we trapped in a dilemma? On the one hand, it's the education equality granted by the Constitution. On the other hand, it's the megacities' population capacity. Do we only get one option?

Liang Shuangcai: Pretty soon my child will be facing the same problem. There are hundreds of thousands of migrant children nowadays. They all face one common problem. It's not just my family's problem, or my child's, but a social problem. Every time we come and hear nothing. The education commission always repeated the same line: "It's in the process. There's nothing we can tell you." Today is already the (27th )and there are only four days left. They still said they don't know.

杨东平:实际上我个人认为这个问题,倒并不是需要特别过虑的。从整体的形式来看,考生的总量是在降低,高校的招生规模还在缓慢地增长。也就是说,高校扩招的进程还在持续,所以从供求关系来讲,这个对本地考生的利益,不会有很明显的影响。但是,在北、上、广,或者很多地方,白领以上的这些考生家长,他更关注的是央属高校。所谓叫研究型大学,或者叫优质高等教育资源的地域公平问题。因为央属高校理论上,它是面向全国考生的,但是现在,在这些年的现实当中,它的本地化的倾向比较严重。比如讲,上海的高校上海的考生比例特别大,北京的高校,北京的比例也特别大。在某种程度上,这是违反公正的原则,所以我个人认为,央属高校的省域之间的均衡应该进一步加强。

Hu Yang: I was angry and heartbroken. I was sad because we've been fighting for three years. I suffered from all sorts of pressure, but this is what I got. I just feel the government just didn't care about our appeal at all. It means children who have had nine years of compulsory education, whose parents have contributed social security taxes, only get to go to vocational schools. I think many children are outstanding students. They could have made it to good universities. The Beijing Education Commission basically didn't follow the Ministry of Education's order to make policies. It basically handed in a blank answer sheet. This is not gaokao policy. This is vocational school policy.

冯欣:那么这个制度有什么问题呢?

 

 

冯欣:刘洋,我注意到关注异地高考这个事情比较多的大部分是家长,你并不是家长为什么对这个事情也这么关注?

 

冯欣:好的,谢谢您,博士。

Yang Dongping: No, absolutely no. Education equality granted by the Constitution is already demonstrated in the current system. Admitting students based on provinces doesn't make it unconstitutional. It's not that only people who come to Beijing to study have their constitutional rights fulfilled. Do you think we can say that?

刘洋:因为这个问题本身现在体现出来的是在教育这个环节上,其实我们北京人关心的并不仅仅是教育,它是一个城市容纳外来人口的极限的问题。你比方说现在如果你要开放异地高考,你肯定会设置门槛,你设置门槛比方说三年,比方说两年,其实是会让一些人提前三年两年来到北京。就在这种想法底下带来无序的人口的单向流动,是这个城市不能承受的。

 

刘洋:他们的理由就是,公平,两个字。其实我认为,所谓的教育公平,什么叫教育公平?现在本身就是教育公平。你说如果北京上海的孩子,拿着我北京上海的身份证,如果我到哪一个城市都能参加高考,(而)别人不行,OK,那叫不公平。但是如果北京上海的孩子也只能在自己的户籍所在地参加高考怎么叫不公平?而且包括那些现在已经通过了自己非常艰难的努力获得了北京户籍的原本并非是北京籍人口的这些同志来说,也不是很公平。

 

 

These problems only demonstrate the degree of difficulty in addressing nonresident students' exam eligibility Many nonresident parents and scholars stress constitutional rights, rather than serve as the basis of policy-making. but local governments and authorities pay more attention to practicality So we should not have too many expectations from the policy. The problem can't be solved instantly. It needs a period of time for monitoring policy effects. For example, Shanghai has lifted the bars on higher vocational education. How many people will then flood to the city? Nobody knows. For example, if Beijing announces a requirement for six years of school record, how many migrants will then move to the city? What if the bar is set for five years? It's impossible to make an accurate prediction.

朱永新:北京这样一种谨慎的放开或者谨慎的探索,本身并没有什么错。最关键的就是它应该做一个量化的预测。目前我要摸清楚北京有多少学生,然后根据这个我建校舍,我引进师资,我能够承载的教育能力配备大概是多少,有这样的配备根据我的能力每年放多少,如果我根据放多少来倒推,这个问题就可以解决了,这个并不是很难的数学模型,我觉得只要下决心做,还是能够做到的。大的北京不能做,每个区要去做,每个区不能做每个街道要做,网络化的管理,应该能够搞得清楚。

但是我曾经建议取消省的招办,把录取的权利整个交给学校。这样一来,整个的录取应该走国立大学、省立大学、市立大学、民办大学的不同道路。如果国内大学就全国一盘棋,像北大清华这样的学校照例不应该有太多的照顾,要照顾在区域上照顾,搞区域的配额制度是可以的,它只是针对弱势区域,比如说新疆、西藏,每年要保证多少少数民族,采取配额制度自然就可以。其他的我觉得就应该公平竞争。

Feng Xin: Do you think the hukou system is what caused the problem all these years?

Liu Yang: I think it is definitely hard to solve now. From a humane point of view, we shouldn't bar the children from going to school. But there are two issues. First, high school education is not compulsory education. In terms of the child, you don't have to go to high school. In terms of the government, it's no longer obliged to provide you with compulsory education. It's a matter of obligation for both sides. That's one issue. Another…Yes, I feel sorry for them. But does this have to be solved by the government? In any case if I were a parent, I wouldn't put my child in such an unstable situation, where I know he wouldn't be allowed to take the exam here but still let him attend schools here for more than 10 years after he was born. I wouldn't.

冯欣:那您认为户籍制度是不是导致异地高考这个问题得不到解决的一个根本原因?

冯欣:比如说,我们大学分作几类,一类是中央直属的这种大学,另外一类是省际的大学,最需要改进的是这些央属大学。可不可以这么理解?

According to media reports, as of a week after the deadline, (the 8th of January) all provinces in the Chinese mainland except Qinghai province and Tibet autonomous region announced their policies. More than half of them, like Hebei, Heilongjiang and Fujian provinces, established relatively low bars for nonresident students. They only need to provide a complete middle school or high school record in order to be eligible. Some provinces also require their parents to provide proof of a stable job and accommodation.  

Feng Xin: How many children in your daughter's class are like her?

 

冯欣:你认为他们想要推行异地高考的理由是什么?

 

 

It will be helpful to take a look at how China’s universities recruit students in the first place. If we divide universities by their administrative subordination, there are usually two categories: universities managed by the Ministry of Education as well as other central government agencies, and universities managed by provincial governments.Among about 2,000 universities in China, more than 90 percent are provincial universities. Every year, each university needs to submit a detailed recruitment plan to be approved by its supervision department. While central universities recruit students from all over the country, provincial universities mainly recruit students from home, meaning those with hukou in that province. If they plan to recruit students outside their home provinces, the local education department has to report such plans to the Ministry of Education for approval.

在外来人口聚集的地区,超级变态网页私服,如北京、上海和广东,家长们为子女能够享有与当地学生同等的考试权利已经争取了多年。去年八月,国务院办公厅发出通知要求各省级政府在2012年年底之前制定相关政策。当公众无比焦急地等待这几个特大地区公布政策时,北京、上海和广东直到1230才最终公布了各自的方案。就在北京政策出台的前四天,我跟着一些非京籍家长来到了北京市教委。

Zhu Yongxin: I should say generally I'm satisfied that almost all provinces have made their policies. But I have some reservations in terms of some specific content. I think there is still room where we could've done better.

 

 

冯欣:比如说像这样一部分从小生长在北京的,只是户籍不在北京的孩子,那他们的考试,他们的教育(问题)怎么解决呢?

 

Fewer than a dozen provinces set higher bars for nonresident families. In these regions, not only must students have longer school records or even hukou within the next few years, their parents also have to contribute income taxes and social security taxes for a certain number of years before the children become eligible.

Feng Xin: For example?

Feng Xin: You've come so many times and got the same reply. Why do you still come?

朱永新:应该说首先大家能够把方案出来总体上是满意的,对出来的内容来说我觉得还是有保留的意见,我觉得还是有一些空间可以做得更好。

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